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Structural Problems in UN Lobbying Activities Regarding the Korean School Tuition Waiver Issue

Posted on 2026-02-172026-02-17 by News Admin

~Manipulating Perceptions Through “UN Recommendations”~

Date: February 16, 2026


Executive Summary

This report reveals how activist groups within Japan conducted organized lobbying activities targeting UN human rights committees to pressure the Japanese government through “UN recommendations” in the campaign for tuition waivers for Korean schools. This case exemplifies the exploitation of international organizations’ authority for domestic political struggles and contains the following critical issues:

  • Manipulation of a single UN committee’s opinion as “the UN’s consensus”
  • Presenting non-binding recommendations as if they were international obligations
  • Demanding standards from Japan that no other country in the world practices
  • Resources and effort spent on lobbying that could have established an educational foundation

1. Background

1.1 Overview of the High School Tuition Support System

The High School Tuition Support Fund system (commonly called “high school tuition waiver”), introduced in 2010, is a program where the government provides tuition-equivalent support to families of students attending eligible schools. However, the term “tuition waiver” does not accurately represent the reality—it is actually a support system with set upper limits.

  • Public high schools: ¥118,800 per year (effectively zero tuition burden)
  • Private high schools: Up to ¥396,000 per year for households with annual income below approximately ¥5.9 million
  • When tuition exceeds the support amount: Families bear the difference

1.2 Exclusion of Korean Schools

Korean schools have been excluded from the system since its inception. The government cites the following reasons:

  • Korean schools are not “Article 1 schools” under the School Education Act but rather “miscellaneous schools”
  • The operating organization, Chongryon (General Association of Korean Residents in Japan), is a group supporting North Korea
  • Issues with transparency in educational content
  • Concerns that public funds could indirectly benefit North Korea

2. The Reality Behind “UN Recommendations”

2.1 Discovery of Organized Lobbying Activities

Investigation revealed the following facts:

On February 27, 2012, three organizations submitted a request to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination to issue recommendations to the Japanese government:

  1. Network for the Institutional Guarantee of Foreign/Ethnic Schools
  2. Association of Human Rights for Koreans in Japan
  3. International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee (IMADR-JC)

During the actual review:

  • 9 people from the NGO network
  • 3 people from the Japan Federation of Bar Associations
  • Total of 12 people traveled to Geneva
  • Conducted briefing sessions for committee members
  • Directly lobbied the committee members

The NGO side itself acknowledged that “today’s results are built upon the accumulated activities of NGOs.”

2.2 The “UN” Manipulation

The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) is an independent human rights body established under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and is not strictly a UN organ. The Committee on the Rights of the Child is also merely a committee composed of 18 independent experts.

However, advocates and media create the following false impressions by stating “the UN has recommended to Japan”:

  • The entire international community is criticizing Japan
  • Japan is violating international law
  • Non-compliance will result in sanctions

The reality:

  • It is not a UN General Assembly resolution
  • It is not a Security Council decision
  • It is merely the opinion of a “committee of experts” consisting of approximately 18 people established under a treaty

2.3 Absence of Legal Binding Force

Recommendations from treaty committees do not have direct legal binding force on the relevant government. Recommendations and reports from special conciliation committees under the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination also have no binding force.

In other words, these are merely the opinions of committees of several dozen people and do not impose legal obligations on the Japanese government.


3. Analysis of Logical Problems

3.1 Conflation of “Rights” and “Public Support”

Advocates base their arguments on Article 26 of the Constitution (right to education) and Article 14 (equality), but this involves a significant logical leap.

  • The right to education is guaranteed (Korean schools are permitted to exist)
  • The option of Japanese public schools is also available
  • “The right to learn” and “the right to receive public support” are separate matters

Calling the absence of public support “infringement of learning rights” or “discrimination” is an expansion of concepts and essentially a logical substitution.

What Constitutes Infringement of Learning Rights?

  • Infringement of learning rights: Prohibiting school attendance, preventing access to education
  • Absence of public support: The need to attend school at one’s own expense

These are clearly different concepts. Since the Japanese government does not prohibit Korean schools, learning rights are not being infringed.

3.2 Lack of International Comparison

Investigation into the reality of Japanese schools existing in countries worldwide revealed the following facts:

  • Japanese schools are primarily established and operated by local Japanese associations
  • Support from local governments is essentially non-existent
  • Tuition averages ¥600,000-700,000 per year, with some costing as much as ¥1.87 million
  • Expenses are covered by the self-help efforts of local Japanese residents

Specific Examples

  • United States: Does not provide subsidies to Japanese schools
  • France: Does not provide subsidies to Japanese schools
  • China: Does not provide subsidies to Japanese schools
  • No country: Provides tuition waivers for foreign schools within their borders

If the UN recommends that “Japan should provide tuition waivers for Korean schools,” the same logic should apply to all countries with similar recommendations, but no such recommendations exist.

This is clearly a double standard.

3.3 Feasibility of Self-Help Efforts

The population of Koreans residing in Japan numbers in the hundreds of thousands (approximately 480,000-800,000 depending on statistics). This is comparable to the population size of a single domain during the Edo period, and those domains operated domain schools independently without assistance from the shogunate.

Comparison with the Edo Period

  • Edo period domains: Operated domain schools with populations of tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands
  • Korean resident community: Hundreds of thousands
  • Conclusion: Clearly has greater fundraising capacity than domain schools

Advantages of the Modern Era

In modern times, independent fundraising is possible through the following methods:

  • Fundraising within the community
  • Establishing an educational foundation
  • Financial assistance from South Korea or supporters
  • Building a continuous support system from alumni
  • Utilizing crowdfunding

With a community of hundreds of thousands, if each person contributes several thousand to tens of thousands of yen annually, operating several schools is entirely feasible.


4. The Most Critical Contradiction: Irrational Resource Allocation

4.1 Cost of Lobbying Activities

A total of 12 people—9 from the NGO network and 3 from the Japan Federation of Bar Associations—traveled to Geneva to conduct briefing sessions for committee members. This incurred the following costs:

  • Round-trip airfare to Geneva (for 12 people)
  • Local accommodation and living expenses
  • Document preparation and translation costs
  • Preparatory labor costs
  • Ongoing activity expenses

Estimates range from several million to tens of millions of yen, and this was not just a one-time effort in 2012—as stated, it represents “the accumulated activities of NGOs,” meaning years of continuous activities.

4.2 Feasibility of Alternative Solutions

The same labor and funds could have achieved the following:

  • Establishment of an educational support foundation
  • Implementation of large-scale fundraising campaigns
  • Development of nationwide crowdfunding
  • Creation of scholarship programs
  • Building a sustainable fundraising structure within the community

These are methods that could directly support children’s education. However, these realistic solutions were not chosen; instead, the circuitous method of lobbying the UN was selected.

4.3 Consideration of True Objectives

This choice of resource allocation leads to the following conclusions:

  • The true objective is not “supporting children’s education” but “making the Japanese government pay”
  • Political victory is prioritized over solving the problem through self-help efforts
  • Ideological struggle is prioritized over actual education

If they truly prioritized children’s education, they should have used those funds to establish a foundation and provide scholarships instead of lobbying in Geneva. This contradiction demonstrates that the essence of the movement is not an educational issue but a political campaign.


5. Political Involvement

5.1 Lasalle Ishii’s Candidacy and Claims

Entertainer Lasalle Ishii ran as a Social Democratic Party proportional representation candidate in the July 2025 House of Councillors election and was elected.

Motivation for running:

  • “I was attracted to party leader Mizuho Fukushima, who is working hard to renew the Social Democratic Party, and wanted to fight alongside her”
  • “The Social Democratic Party is in danger of extinction, but if it disappears, this country will become increasingly unrestrained”
  • Emphasized the need for a party that considers constitutional protection, peace, and labor issues

Claims regarding Korean schools:

As a member of the House of Councillors, he advocates for tuition waivers for Korean schools, stating “there is no first or second class among human beings” and arguing for equal educational opportunities.

However, there are no confirmed records of him personally donating to Korean schools.

5.2 Absence of Constructive Alternatives

If he truly wishes to support the education of children at Korean schools, the following constructive actions would be expected:

  • Donating from his Diet member salary or entertainment industry income
  • Establishing an educational support foundation by gathering supporters
  • Widely raising funds through crowdfunding
  • Cooperating with the community to build a sustainable support system

However, the stance of demanding only public support without demonstrating such self-help efforts is difficult for many citizens to understand. It may be perceived as “trying to realize ideals with other people’s money (taxes).”

5.3 The Logical Substitution of “Children Are Not at Fault”

Advocates often argue that “children are not at fault,” but this is a substitution of the argument.

Points to clarify:

  • No one is trying to punish children at Korean schools
  • Not providing public support is not “punishment” but simply “not providing special support”
  • Not supporting ≠ oppression
  • Japanese public schools accept children of foreign nationality

“Children are not at fault” is a natural premise and does not itself constitute grounds for policy decisions.


6. Conclusions and Recommendations

6.1 Essence of the Problem

UN lobbying activities regarding the Korean school tuition waiver issue contain structural problems in the following respects:

  1. Manipulation using the authority of international organizations
    • Treating the opinion of a committee of several dozen people as “the UN’s consensus”
    • Reimporting the results of lobbying initiated by domestic activist groups as “the voice of the international community”
  2. Presenting non-binding opinions as if they were obligations
    • Despite recommendations having no legal binding force, claiming them as if they were international obligations
    • Applying moral pressure with expressions like “the UN is demanding”
  3. Applying standards that deviate from world standards only to Japan
    • No country in the world provides tuition waivers for foreign schools within their borders
    • Japanese schools overseas do not receive support from local governments
    • Yet special standards are demanded only of Japan
  4. Avoiding self-help efforts and prioritizing political victory
    • Not choosing feasible self-help options
    • Not pursuing constructive solutions like establishing foundations
    • Concentrating resources on demands of the government and political pressure
  5. Prioritizing ideological struggle over children’s education
    • Educational support was possible with resources used for lobbying
    • Yet “making the Japanese government pay” was prioritized
    • The essence is not an educational issue but a political movement

6.2 Recommendations for the International Community

This issue should be widely known to the international community as a case where UN human rights committees are influenced by lobbying from specific political groups and issue recommendations lacking fairness.

Necessary reforms:

  • Improving transparency in UN committee recommendation processes
  • Conducting objective investigations free from lobbying influence
  • Ensuring consistency in applying the same standards to all countries worldwide
  • Creating recommendations that respect each country’s sovereignty
  • Strengthening verification processes for information provided by NGOs

6.3 Constructive Solutions

If the true objective is to support the education of children at Korean schools, the following constructive approaches are recommended:

Concrete actions:

  1. Establishment of an educational support foundation by the Korean resident community
    • Sufficient fundraising is possible with a community of hundreds of thousands
    • Learning from the example of Edo period domain school management
  2. Building a highly transparent management system
    • Disclosure of financial status
    • Transparency in educational content
    • Gaining social trust
  3. Fundraising from the South Korean government and supporters
    • Educational support from the home country
    • Building a global support network
  4. Establishing a continuous support system from alumni
    • Strengthening alumni organizations
    • Building regular donation systems
  5. Expanding private support through gaining social trust
    • Utilizing crowdfunding
    • Gaining broad social understanding and support

If operational soundness and transparency can be demonstrated through these self-help efforts, constructive discussion about public support may become possible in the future.


7. Final Statement

The facts revealed in this report represent the reality of organized political manipulation exploiting the authority of international organizations. This issue is not merely an educational matter but an important problem concerning fairness and transparency in international society, as well as the sovereignty of nations.

Had the vast resources spent on lobbying been directed toward actual educational support, many children could have received direct benefits. This fact eloquently tells what the true objective of the movement was.

The international community should recognize such structural problems and take measures to prevent UN human rights committees from being exploited for specific political agendas. And if the true goal is to support children’s education, resources should be invested in practical support activities rather than political claims.

The Core Question

The most important question raised by this report is:

“Why choose lobbying in Geneva instead of establishing an educational support foundation?”

The answer to this question reveals the essence of this movement.


End of Report

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